Lecture Outline: Imperialism and War

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General Background to World War I—European History, 1871 to 1914

The period from 1815-1914 is often referred to as the "Hundred Years’ Peace," or "Pax Britannica." From the end of the Napoleonic Wars at Waterloo in 1815 until the outbreak of war in 1914, Europe found itself relatively at peace. Compared with the long series of wars that had preceded 1815 and the carnage of the 20th century, it is not an unfair assessment. Beginning around 1870, however, events began to evolve in ways that threatened the long-standing peace, and a long slide toward eventual conflict began, though it was far from apparent at the time. Indeed, following the wars of German unification of the 1860s and the Prussian defeat of France in 1870-71, the rise of the remarkable statesman, Prince Otto von Bismarck of Prussia, seemed to promise a period of if not permanent then certainly long-lasting peace. Through wily manipulation of power (what he called realpolitik) and skillful diplomacy, Bismarck created an alliance system that although built on a real component of international tension, nevertheless was very stable.

Through a series of treaties, conferences and diplomatic exchanges, most of which were conducted in varying degrees of secrecy, Bismarck carefully built his structure, knowing all the while that underneath it was fragile and indeed might well be upset someday. (He predicted that if and when it fell apart it would be due to "some damned foolishness in the Balkans," and in fact he was right, though it happened some 20 years after his death.)

Part of the problems for Bismarck and the statesmen who followed him was that industry had begun to revolutionize the World by 1871. Following the American Civil war, with new weapons and techniques, it was clear that railroads, steamships, and other industrial advances were going to reshape not only war but defense policies and preparations for war as well. International economics—manufacturing, agriculture and trade—were becoming more complicated, and more centralized and unified nations brought a new and sharper edge to international competitiveness than had been true on more relaxed times. Competition also existed among rival political philosophies, from communism and socialism on one end of the spectrum to classical capitalism supported by more or less democratic regimes on the other. These competing ideas often co-existed within nations, not always completely peacefully. The world, in short, grew far more complicated as well as more dangerous between 1871 and 1914, as unparalleled industrial, economic and population growth and shifting demographics dominated the international scene. Science was opening new doors, urbanization was changing national landscapes, and huge migrations of peoples were altering the character of nations like the U.S.

Summary of Events:


"Once the wheels of mobilization began to turn, no brake could retard them, no wheel could steer them."—Liddell Hart.
"Militarism gone mad"—Woodrow Wilson.

1914 Events of that Fateful Year



America’s View of the World in the late 19th Century

After the Civil War Americans got busy expanding internally, with the frontier to conquer and virtually unlimited resources, they had little reason to look outward.

Americans generally had a high level of disdain for Europe, although wealthy Americans were educated and traveled there and respected European cultural achievements in art, music and literature. They felt secure from external threat because of their geographic isolation, which gave them a sense of invulnerability. (There was little to fear from neighbors in this hemisphere.) Until very late in the 19th century Americans remained essentially indifferent to foreign policy and world affairs.

What interests America did have overseas were generally focused in the Pacific and the Caribbean, where trade, transportation and communication issues got our attention. To the extent that Americans wanted to extend their influence overseas they had two primary goals: pursue favorable trade agreements and alignments and foster the spread of democratic ideals as they understood them

That isolationism that seemed to work for America began to change late in the century for a variety of reasons. First, the industrial revolution began to create challenges that required a reassessment of economic conduct. The production of greater quantities of goods, the need for additional sources of raw materials and greater markets—in general the expansive nature of capitalism—all called for Americans to begin to look outward. America had always been driven by the idea of "manifest destiny," which was at first the idea that the U.S. was to expand over the whole continent of North America. When Canada and Mexico seemed impervious to further expansion by Americans, at least there was the rest of the mainland to fill up. With the ending of the frontier and the completion of the settlement of the West (for all practical purposes) the impulse to further expansion spilled out over America’s borders.

Shortly after the end of the Civil War the U.S. Purchased Alaska and began to develop interests in the Caribbean and the Pacific in places like Hawaii, Midway, Samoa, the Virgin Islands and the Dominican Republic. A great part of the impetus for expansion came from a rather unlikely source: a naval office, Captain Alfred Thayer Mahan. Founder of the Naval War College, Captain Mahan began to write books and articles which were widely read and applauded that called for America to develop its strength on the basis of sea power, which he found to have been a decisive force in making nations and empires great and long lasting throughout history. He wrote a number of books based on the theme of The Influence of Sea Power Upon History. Mahan’s basic idea was that to remain great and strong in an ever more competitive world, America needed a powerful maritime force, both naval and commercial, and an overseas infrastructure of bases, coaling stations and the like to support a powerful fleet in the age of iron and steam. Mahan did not confine his thoughts strictly to naval matters, but also brought in idea relating to the expansion of commercial interests and overseas markets for American goods, developed under the aegis of naval might.

Mahan’s ideas, which were compatible with the popularized notions of social Darwinism (maritime nations were among the fittest and therefore could and should survive), were not the only ideas that propelled Americans’ thoughts beyond her borders. The missionary spirit was still strong in America, and many felt that the spreading of Christianity went nicely with the concept of spreading democracy. Inherent in this view was a clearly racist streak of thought which maintained that the European races (and particularly the Anglo-Saxon race) were inherently superior and had the right if not the obligation to spread their beneficial influence all over the world to less fortunate peoples. Furthermore, even if Americans had reservations about these expansionist ideas, as many did, their doubts were often tempered by the fact that everybody seemed to be doing it. This was the age of so-called neo-imperialism, when the European powers seemed bent on gobbling up all the underdeveloped areas of the world and turning them into colonies for military, commercial or political purposes.

A final piece of this newly evolving American foreign policy was a renewed confidence in the essential idea of the Monroe Doctrine—that the United States was the gate keeper and protector of the Western Hemisphere. What would eventually become the Roosevelt Corollary was established by 1900—that we had the final say in controlling all the territory from the Atlantic to the Pacific Coast in North and South America.


America and Imperialism: The Growth of Imperial Ideas

Historian Paul Kennedy has called the emergence of the U.S. as player on world stage the most decisive change in late 19th century. America saw herself with a "special moral endowment" and felt justified in projecting influence beyond her borders. Americans still avoid "entangling alliances" but feel free to get more actively involved
 




The Spanish-American War was a brief conflict won handily by the united States over an inept Spanish army and navy. Thanks to the encouragement of expansionists and the reckless behavior of the yellow press, Americans enthusiastically supported the war. Many young men volunteered, but the regular U.S. Army, which had done little but fight Indians since the Civil war, was ill prepared to manage the fighting.

The Navy, on the other hand, was in good trim, having been built up beginning with the Harrison administration in response to the writings of Mahan and the support of other "navalists" like Theodore Roosevelt. The Navy foguht well from the beginning when Commodore Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay in the Philippines, and was continued when Admirals Sampson and Schley defeated another Spanish fleet off the coast of Cuba. Although plagues by inefficiency, disease and disorder, the Army, bolstered by volunteers such as the famous "Rough Riders," fought bravely enough to defeat a hapless Spanish army near Santiago. American tropps also occupied Puerto Rico. The Treaty of Paris that ended the war granted independence to Cuba; Spain turned over Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippine Islands to the United States, for which the U.S. paid $20 million to Spain.

The "Splendid Little War" lasted only four months, the fighting itself only weeks. African American soldiers, many of them veterans of the Indian wars with the 9th and 10th cavalry, played a vital role for the Americans and contributed to the victory. The presence of Black troops in camps and departure areas in the Southern states caused several incidents in which the troops reacted against discriminatory policies.

Thanks to Dewey’s victory in Manila, American military forces occupied the Philippine Islands. Philippine revolutionary Emilio Aguinaldo refused to exchange Spanish occupation for American and continued his insurrection against the new American "invaders." The result was one of the ugliest wars in American history, and the war and the annexation of the Philippines created a large controversy over America’s role as an imperial power. Imperialists argued that the U.S. had a duty to help civilize and control the underdeveloped parts of the world, but Anti-Imperialist League was founded that opposed America’s acquisition of colonies as anti-democratic and destructive of American ideals. The result of the debate and the ugly Philippine insurrection was that the U.S. promised eventual independence to the Philippines and also eventually allowed Puerto Rico to determine its own destiny, which is still being decided.


Hawaii. American interest in the Hawaiian Islands goes back to post-revolutionary days when American trader first started traversing the Pacific. Hawaii was a convenient stopping-off place for ship bound for China and Japan. American missionaries arrived in the islands in the early 19th century, and the scenery, climate and valuable crops like sugar and fruits attracted attention. Although American did not make any move to annex or otherwise control Hawaii, American policy consistently sought to keep others from extending their influence over the islands.




The Open Door

In 1900 Secretary of State John Hay announced what became known as the "Open Door" policy with regard to China. His intention was that no European nation was to create a sphere of influence in China to the exclusion of other nations. America is once again willing to look outward and intervene overseas to further her own economic and political interests.

Puerto Rico

The U.S. occupies Puerto Rico with a force under General Miles in 1898. The Foraker Act of 1900 attaches Puerto Rico as unincorporated territory with an elective legislature, governor and council appointed by the President. In 1909 a split develops between an independence movement and supporters of U.S. statehood. The 1917 Jones Act creates of Puerto Rico an "organized but unincorporated territory." Puerto Ricans have U.S. citizenship. Modifications to laws give Puerto Ricans the right to elect their own governor in 1947. Puerto Rico is now "free" but must obey the U.S. Constitution. In 1952 the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico is established: statehood and independence options are still available and under debate at the present time.

Guam has a naval officer as governor until World War II. In 1950 Guam is organized as a territory and has one delegate to Congress.

Cuba is occupied by the United States following the war. Reforms are initiated in Public Administration and Public Health reforms initiated. Health agencies are directed by General Leonard Wood. Doctors Walter Reed and William Gorgas exterminate yellow fever in Cuba and push education and other reforms. A constitutional convention is called in 1900 to set up Cuban government, and Americans withdraw in 1902. As part of the legislation at the end of the war the Platt Amendment was added which placed certain restrictions on Cuba:

The Panama Canal. The Spanish-American War showed the need for an isthmian canal. Various issues arise:


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Copyright © Henry J. Sage 1996-2002

Updated September 5, 2003